Livres - Bibliographie

En 1947, à la demande des Juifs vivant en Palestine, et qui voulaient que le foyer national juif originellement promis voie enfin le jour, les Nations Unies ont voté la partition du Mandat résiduel. À ce moment, un mouvement pour créer un État palestinien n'existait toujours pas. Nul ne parlait de nation palestinienne. Nul n a parlé de peuple palestinien avant que la notion soit inventée, dans la deuxième moitié des années 1960, et la population arabe palestinienne a été très largement constituée d'immigrants arabes venus des pays voisins et aimantés par le dynamisme créé par les immigrants juifs.

L'invention du peuple palestinien eut, et a toujours, un dessein très clair : la volonté politico-existentielle de détruire l'État d'Israël.

Personne n'a à chercher à savoir si un groupe a le droit d'exister et ceci est valable, bien sûr, pour chaque nation, à la seule condition qu'elle ne maintienne pas une identité exclusivement en opposition à un autre peuple, dans une volonté génocidaire.

Le droit de vivre n'a pas à montrer ses papiers.

Les grands anniversaires sont l'occasion de redorer certains mythes à défaut de redonner une seconde virginité à l'Histoire. Publié fortuitement pour le bicentenaire des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, ce livre n'obéit pas à la loi du genre : ni nostalgie, ni exaltation d'un rêve envolé. Mais la fabuleuse chronique d'un phénomène social unique en son genre et qui résume à lui seul le destin et les traits de l'Amérique triomphante : une réussite et une richesse si extraordinaires qu'on a pu les croire bénies de Dieu, une générosité tellement rentable qu'elle s'est érigée en institution, une puissance privée qui, se sentant investie d'une mission morale corroborée par ses succès financiers, a annexé le pouvoir d'Etat, confondant inextricablement ses intérêts et ceux du pays, assimilant son extension et sa propre défense à un rôle historique dont les adversaires sont devenus synonymes d'agents du mal - un phénomène dont le nom résume au XXe siècle la symbiose du pouvoir et de l'argent : les Rockefeller.

Voici, sur quatre générations, l'épopée de cette véritable dynastie : la naissance de la colossale fortune léguée par John Davison Rockefeller, dit Senior, fondateur de la Standard Oil, le développement de la prospérité familiale et de son industrie phi!anthropique sous John D. II, dit Junior, l'apogée de cet Empire sous le règne des cinq frères - John D. III, Laurance, Winthrop, David, maître de la Chase Manhattan Bank, et Nelson, gouverneur de l'Etat de New York puis vice-président des Etats-Unis - jusqu'à sa remise en question par ses propres héritiers, la génération des années 60, dans l'Amérique de la guerre du Vietnam, des révoltes étudiantes et du scandale du Watergate.

C'est grâce à l'aide des vingt et un arrière-petits-enfants du bâtisseur de la dynastie que Peter Collier et David Horowitz ont eu accès aux archives et aux secrets jalousement gardés qui leur ont permis d'écrire, à travers l'histoire de sa plus puissante famille, le roman de la toute-puissance américaine.

Progressive Racism is about the transformation of the civil rights movement from a cause opposing racism - the denigration of individuals on the basis of their skin color - into a movement endorsing race preferences and privileges for select groups based on their skin color. It describes the tragic changes of this cause under the leadership of racial extortionists like Al Sharpton, who took a movement in support of American pluralism and turned it into a movement governed by a lynch mob mentality in which white Americans are regarded as guilty before the fact and African Americans are regarded as innocent even when the facts prove them guilty, even when their crimes are committed against other African Americans.

The author of Progressive Racism, David Horowitz, is a witness to these events and betrayals. Horowitz was a participant in the civil rights movement of the 1960s, and in 2001 led a national campaign against a proposal for "slavery reparations" that would have required Hispanic, Asian and other Americans who had no role in slavery to pay reparations to African Americans who were never slaves.

Progressive Racism examines how the term "racism" has been drained of its original meaning and is now used as a weapon to bludgeon opponents into silence. It describes how the so-called civil rights movement has become an oppressor of African Americans by supporting a failed school system that blights the lives of millions of African American children and a welfare system that has destroyed the black family and created a "underclass" dependent on government charity. It is an indictment of the hypocrisy that today governs discourse on race issues, so that a lynch mob in Ferguson, Missouri seeking to hang a police officer because he was white can be described as a civil rights protest and be supported by the first African American president of the United States.

In his latest salvo in the battle for America’s survival, David Horowitz exposes the racial hoax that is spawning riots and dividing the nation. Examining the twenty-six most notorious cases of police “racism”— from Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown to George Floyd and Breonna Taylor—Horowitz demonstrates that Black Lives Matter has lied about every one of them in its quest to undermine law and order, fuel race hatred, and destroy America.

In case after case, the lies and mythmaking break down under Horowitz’s scrutiny. Even the chief prosecutor in the George Floyd case was forced to admit that he had no evidence of racial bias, while Breonna Taylor, the longtime accomplice of a major drug dealer, was killed when she and her boyfriend resisted arrest.

The unchallenged myths about racist murders by the police have brought mayhem and crime to our cities, where the victims are predominantly black. They are also a slander against the United States, the least racist country in history, and against black Americans, the vast majority of whom are successful and law-abiding citizens.

Now the Biden administration has embraced the false narrative of “systemic racism” and “white supremacy,” which supposedly infect every aspect of American life, using it to justify a witch hunt for “domestic terrorists.” Most Americans, black and white, know in their bones that this portrayal of their country is a lie. An unflinching and courageous accounting, I Can’t Breathe is the urgently needed proof that they are right.

The anti-white racism of the Left remains one of the few taboo subjects in America. A former confidante of the Black Panthers and author of Radical Son, David Horowitz lays bare the liberal attack on "whiteness"—the latest battle in the war against American democracy. His passionate and candid account of contemporary racism reveals that the Cold War has come home.

Ideological hatred of whites is now a growth industry, boosted by "civil rights" activists and liberal academics. These once-youthful radicals, now entrenched in positions of power and influence, peddle a warmed-over version of the Marxist creed that supported the communist empire and excuses intolerance to the point of thuggery. Betraying the legacy of Martin Luther King, this alliance of black civil rights leaders and white radicals threatens to undermine America's moral, political, and economic institutions.

Mr. Horowitz acknowledges that America's unique political culture is the creation of white European males, primarily English and Christian. But these very men and their heirs have led the world in abolishing slavery and establishing the principles of ethnic and racial inclusion. Undeterred, so it seems, by America's Anglo-Saxon pedigree, people of every race and creed still flock by the millions to these shores for a share of our unparalleled rights and opportunities. Yet, with staggering hypocrisy, a clique of racial warlords and academic malcontents indicts our every institution for racial oppression.

No stranger to ideological combat, Mr. Horowitz anticipates the standard charges of racism and sexism—wearisome bromides reflexively hurled at dissenters from the party line. Undaunted, he boldly grapples with contemporary racism in all its forms.

It’s no secret that our universities have become hotbeds of radical leftist thought. While professors and administrators pay lip-service to concepts like open-mindedness and robust debate, they try to squash any opinion that doesn’t match their radical left world view. Well, world-renowned campus activist David Horowitz wants to bring diversity back to the college campus! This Fall, he will launch a new book—and a new campaign—to shine the light on the college thought police. In his new book,Reforming Our Universities, Horowitz will describe his decades-long campaign against intellectual bigotry, grade discrimination, and the denial of basic rights to any and all whose opinions diverge from the extreme liberal orthodoxy. And on college campuses across the country, Horowitz will launch an “Adopt a Dissenting Book” campaign, which urges professors to include conservative and pro-American books and resources as part of their overall curriculum. Reforming Our Universities will lay out his blueprint for reversing leftist indoctrination on campus though an Academic Bill of Rights. Horowitz’s reform is not a partisan call for universities to hire more conservatives, but rather a call for true academic freedom, where students as well as teachers are free to say what they think.

“David Horowitz has single-handedly exposed the intellectual corruption that exists within the classrooms of American colleges. Like all forms of corruption, indoctrination flourishes when kept in the dark. Here, Horowitz turns on the bright lights to expose what has become profoundly wrong with our colleges and universities. We are all in his debt.”

–Ward Connerly, former regent, University of California

David Horowitz and coauthor Jacob Laksin take us inside twelve major universities where radical agendas have been institutionalized and scholarly standards abandoned. The schools they examine are not the easily avoided bottom of the barrel. Rather, they are an all-too-representative sampling of American higher education today.

Horowitz and Laksin have conducted the first comprehensive, in-depth, multiyear investigation of what is being taught in colleges and universities across the country–public to private, from large state schools to elite Ivy League institutions. They have systematically scrutinized course catalogs, reading lists, professors’ biographies, scholarly records, and the first-person testimonies of students, administrators, and faculty. Citing more than 150 specific courses, they reveal how academic standards have been violated and demonstrate beyond dispute that systematic indoctrination in radical politics is now an integral part of the liberal arts curriculum of America’s colleges. The extreme ideological cant that today’s students are being fed includes:

• Promoting Marxist approaches as keys to understanding human societies–with no mention of the bloody legacy of these doctrines and total collapse in the real world of the societies they created

• Instilling the idea that racism, brutally enforced by a “white male patriarchy” to oppress people of color and other marginalized groups, has been the organizing principle of American society throughout its history and into the present

• Requiring students to believe that gender is not a biological characteristic but a socially created aspect of human behavior designed by men to oppress women

• Persuading students that America and Israel are “imperialistic” and “racist” states and that the latter has no more right to exist than the South African regime in the days of apartheid

In page after shocking page, Horowitz and Laksin demonstrate that America’s colleges and universities are platforms for a virulent orthodoxy that threatens academic ideals and academic freedom. In place of scholarship and the dispassionate pursuit of truth that have long been the hallmarks of higher learning, the new militancy embraces activist zealotry and ideological fervor. In disturbingly large segments of today’s universities, students are no longer taught how to think but are told what to think.